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Economic Aspects of Authorized and Unauthorized Immigration
By Dorrit Marks
Over the years U.S. economic growth has accommodated an expanding labor supply
that includes 1.5 million immigrants per year whose spending on homes and consumer
goods has stimulated the economy and increased the demand for still more labor. Economists
expect this demand to create millions of new jobs in the future at the same
time that the workforce is decreasing as a result of declining fertility rates
among the native-born and retiring baby boomers. Many see new immigrants as
a necessary labor source to meet these increased needs.1
Effect on American Workers and Their Wages
Do immigrants hurt the economic prospects of American workers? Do they lower
wages?
The effect of immigrants on the economic prospects of American workers is an
important factor in the national debate on immigration. George Borjas, a Cuban
immigrant and pre-eminent scholar in immigration research at Harvard University,
believes that more job seekers from abroad result in fewer opportunities and
lower wages for Americans. Borjas says that poorly educated Mexicans hurt the
economic prospects of poorer Americans, especially African Americans.2
Borjas’s research divides workers by education and work experience,
and compares immigrants to natives in each category. His research indicates
that between the years 1980-2000 immigrants were the cause of about a 3 percent
reduction in wages. Furthermore, wages for high school drop-outs were reduced
by about 8 percent.
David Card, immigration researcher and economist at the University of California,
Berkeley, presents research results to counter Borjas’ arguments. Card
compares wage trends in cities with large immigrant populations to cities having
few immigrants and finds very little wage difference.3
In addition, Card studied the impact of the 1980 Mariel boatlift. In
that year, 125,000 Cubans came to Miami, adding to the city’s already
sizeable Cuban immigrant population. He compared wages in Miami with those
in a ‘control group’ of cities, Tampa, Atlanta, Houston and Los
Angeles, and found that by 1985 black unemployment in Miami was lower than
it had been in 1979, while unemployment in the control cities remained higher
during that same period. Based on this research, Card concludes that Mariel
immigrants had almost no effect on wages or on unemployment rates of less-skilled
workers in Miami.4
The relationship between immigration and wages is not clear cut because it
can’t be reduced to a simple one-to-one relationship. Wages depend on
the supply of capital creating new jobs as well as the supply of labor. A greater
supply of immigrant workers and the resultant cheaper cost of labor increases
the return to employers. They then could build new factories or open
additional service facilities, ultimately creating an increased demand for
workers. An article in The Economist concludes that neither
of these studies is decisive, but “taken together they suggest that immigration,
in the long run, has had only a small negative effect on the pay of America’s
least skilled and even that is arguable.”5
Cost and Benefits
In North Carolina, a state with a fast-growing immigrant population, immigrants
contribute more to economic growth than to the cost of public services. Over
the past decade, foreign workers filled one-third of new jobs in North Carolina
and cost the state much less than their contribution to the economy. A comparison
of the cost of supplying public services to immigrants with the income from
their taxes resulted in a net cost to the state of $61 million. This is miniscule,
however, compared to the immigrants’ sizeable overall $11 billion contribution
to economic expansion in the state.
Over the past decade, immigrants filled more than half of all new jobs
across the U.S., even more in some parts of the country—two-thirds in
the Midwest and Southwest. On average, the additional tax burden per native
household is no more than a couple of hundred dollars a year. However, the
tax burden caused by immigrants can be large where the proportion of immigrants
to the total population is exceptionally high. For example, in California the
tax burden in the mid-1990s was $1,178 per native-born household, the highest
in the nation.6
The effect of authorized and unauthorized immigrants on public-sector budgets
is small. Immigrant workers pay into social insurance programs, lessening strains
on social assistance for the elderly. Many unauthorized workers use false
ID numbers and pay Social Security taxes but are not eligible to receive benefits.
Fewer than 3 percent of immigrants receive food stamps. Unauthorized workers
support local school districts, indirectly as rent payers or directly as homeowners
through property taxes. They are a financial burden for hospitals and
jails, but this is applicable to all low income, uninsured populations as a
whole – unauthorized, authorized, and native-born.7
Fiscal Pressure on State and Local
Budgets
1996 Welfare reform restricted immigrant access to many public benefits, such
as, Supplementary Security Income (SSI) and federal food stamps. Immigrants
(authorized or unauthorized) are not barred from public education, the largest
public expenditure item. Net fiscal transfer from natives to immigrants at
the national level is small, albeit higher in certain states that have both
generous welfare benefits and large immigrant populations.8
An interesting case study measures the costs of immigrants in New York against
their fiscal contributions. Tax contributions of legal immigrants in New York
State differ substantially from those of unauthorized immigrants, an average
of $6,300 vs. $2,400. Unauthorized immigrants pay a relatively smaller share
of their income in taxes (15 percent) partly because their lower income places
them in a lower federal tax bracket. Average annual income differs as well.
Legal permanent resident aliens earn an average of $18,700; refugees, $8,300;
and unauthorized immigrants, $12,000. A large part of their tax payments
go to the federal government; yet public education, the most expensive public
service, is paid for at local and state levels.9
A recent report issued by the Texas State Comptroller estimates that the 1.4
million unauthorized immigrants in Texas are improving the Texas economy by
$17.7 billion a year, but this is unevenly divided between state and local
communities. State costs are $1.15 billion and contributions in the form
of state taxes and revenues are $1.58 billion, yielding the state a net profit
of $430 million. On the other hand, local costs are $1.44 billion and
contributions are only $513 million, resulting in a considerable loss to cities
and counties. The complete report is at http://www.window.state.tx.us/
Cited studies and reports indicate that costs and benefits are not evenly
allocated. Taxes paid to the federal government and added productivity of the
macro economy make immigration a net benefit to the country as a whole. But,
at the local level, communities face demands for costly services from immigrants,
particularly in education and health care, that are not offset by tax income.10
The Influx of Unauthorized, Less Skilled
Labor
Nationwide attention focuses on immigration largely because of the growing
number of unauthorized immigrants in the U.S. – an estimated 10 to 12
million persons, making up nearly one-third of the foreign-born population,
with a growth rate of approximately 500,000 per year. The influx of unauthorized
immigrants is primarily a response to laws of supply and demand. The
number of authorized immigrants cannot meet the demand for labor. Filling
workforce openings, many of which are year-round, permanent jobs has proven
more powerful than immigration enforcement. To a lesser degree, unauthorized
immigration is also a response to the difficulty and time delays associated
with immigrating legally.11
On the whole, immigrants are young, mobile, hard workers who, for a variety
of reasons, are willing to work at jobs shunned by native-born workers. According
to Jacoby, the addition of more low-skilled immigrant construction workers
results in greater demand and higher wages for skilled construction workers
such as plumbers, electricians and architects. Immigrant workers tend to raise
wages rather than lower them because they tend to complement rather than compete
with most native-born workers.12
The CEO of the National Association of Home Builders estimates 25 to 30 percent
of construction workers are immigrants (authorized and unauthorized). Removing
these immigrants from the workforce would produce a serious negative impact. Construction
costs would rise, causing a decreased demand for new housing.13
Andrew Sum, director of labor studies at Northeastern University, Boston,
argues that the large supply of immigrants has displaced low-skilled, native-born
workers, particularly the young and poor, from jobs. He does concede that unauthorized
immigrants have had a positive effect on the country’s economy and have
helped improve productivity of highly skilled workers. “Without the immigrants,
we would have a decline in labor force of 3 to 4 percent. We couldn’t
have grown nearly as much as we did in the ‘90s if we didn’t have
immigrants. Still, he argues, “…we’ve ignored that
illegal immigration has put a lot of young adults into economic jeopardy.”14
Mexican Workers
During the1990s, the U.S. workforce absorbed 2.9 million Mexican workers. At
the same time, the unemployment rate fell from 6.3 percent to 3.9 percent.
This influx of Mexicans gave American employers access to needed workers in
a tight labor market. Owners and managers of factories, restaurants,
hotels, construction firms, hospitals, orchards and innumerable other places
of employment express a need for continued access to immigrant workers, mostly
from Mexico. Although many Mexican immigrants lack formal education, they have
skills compatible with available jobs. For instance, it is estimated
that by 2010 nearly 43 percent of all job openings will require only minimal
education. At the same time, native-born Americans are obtaining college degrees
in record numbers and are unlikely to accept positions requiring just minimal
education.15
Other researchers disagree and find that the large influx of immigrants from
Mexico has adversely affected the wages of less-educated native-born workers
and improved the earnings of college graduates. Low Mexican wages, in
turn, helped lower prices of non-traded goods and services. Largely due
to lower levels of education, the economic performance of Mexican immigrants
lags considerably behind other immigrant groups and native-born workers. Non-Mexican
immigrants’ earnings begin to converge with that of native-born workers
as they accumulate work experience, but the correlation is weaker for Mexican
immigrants.16
High-Skilled Immigrants
Immigrants make a large contribution in high-skilled occupations in the U.S. There
is increasing global competition for skilled professionals as well as competition
to attract foreign students to graduate studies. Skilled foreign-born persons
make up an ever-increasing portion of the skilled workforce in the United States
- 8 percent of 25-year-old or older skilled persons in the U.S. in 1990, 13
percent in 2000, and 15 percent in 2004.
The steady supply of skilled immigrants is important for the U.S economy because
these immigrants bring skills that are in short supply in this country. They
raise productivity and, with their demand for goods and services, they help
create additional jobs for the native-born. More than half of U.S. Nobel prize
winners are foreign-born and have made exceptional contributions in the fields
of science and engineering. In California’s Silicon Valley, 29 percent
of technology firms were started and run by Chinese or Indians between 1995
and 1998.17
Immigrants have had a profound impact on company creation, economic innovation
and market value in the United States. Over the past 15 years, immigrants have
founded one of every four (25 percent) U.S. public companies that received
venture capital. Forty-seven percent of current venture-backed companies in
the U.S. have immigrant founders. Nearly half of immigrant entrepreneurs in
the survey came to the U.S. as students and started their own businesses within
12 years of entering the country.18
Borjas finds that foreign students receiving PhDs can adversely affect the
earnings of native-born students earning doctorates in the same field by 3
percent. On the other hand, Madeline Zavodny found the inflow of high-skilled
professionals did not depress wages of other technology workers. Another
study by Jeanne Batalova concludes that having a larger number of immigrants
in the same job results in higher earnings for skilled men and women, but notes
that there is a tipping point beyond which additional immigrant workers result
in a decline in earnings for all workers.19
Looking Forward
Demographers expect to see increasing numbers of authorized and unauthorized
immigrants coming to the U.S. in future years. New arrivals, mostly from
Latin America and Asia, will spend money in the U.S. and increase earnings
for businesses such as discount retailers, apartment building owners and home
builders.20 In
addition many experts believe that young, tax-paying immigrants will help meet
increasing labor needs resulting from a growing economy and a declining native-born
workforce.21 Productive
immigration discussions must include the impact of immigrants on the country’s
economy – their contributions as well as the costs.
Dorrit Marks, LWV of Miami-Dade County, FL, is a member
of the Immigration Study Committee.
References
1 Doris Meissner et
al, Immigration and America’s Future: A New Chapter, (Migration
Policy Institute, 2006), p. 3.
2 Roger Lowenstein, “The
Immigration Equation,” The New York Times Magazine, July,
9, 2006, p. 38.
3 “Myths
and migration,” The Economist,April 6, 2006 [Finance and
Economics/ Economics Focus],
4 Lowenstein, “Immigration
Equation,” p. 41.
Tamar Jacoby, “Immigrant
Nation,” Foreign Affairs, November/December 2006.
7 Lowenstein, “Immigration
Equation,” p. 39.
8 Gordon Hanson,
Kenneth Scheve, Matthew Slaughter, and Antonio Spilimbergo, “Immigration
and the U.S. Economy: Labor-Market Impacts, Illegal Entry, and Policy Choices,” 2001
working paper, Google / SSRN publications.
10 Meissner, Immigration
and America’s Future, p.25.
11 Meissner, Immigration
and America’s Future, pp. 19-22.
12 Jacoby, “Immigrant
Nation.”
13 Chris Isidore, “Illegal
Workers: good for U.S. economy,” May 1, 2006, www.CNNMoney.com.
15 The American
Immigration Law Foundation (AILF), Immigration Policy Focus, Vol.
1. Issue 2, “Mexican Immigrant Workers and the U.S. Economy –An
Increasingly Vital Role,” September 2002.
16 George Borjas,
Lawrence Katz, National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) Working
Paper 11281, “The Evolution of the Mexican-Born Workforce in the
United States,” April 2005, pp. 4, 42-43.
17 Neeraj Kaushal,
Michael Fix, “The Contributions of High-Skilled Immigrants,” Migration
Policy Institute, (MPI) study No. 16, July 2006, pp. 1, 4, 15.
18 “Immigrants
Have Founded 1 in 4 Public Venture-Backed Companies in the U.S. since 1990,
Finds First-Ever Study,” PRNewswire, November 15, 2006,
pp. 1-2.
19 Kaushal, “The
Contributions of High-Skilled Immigrants,” p. 13. Also see: Anderson
Stuart, “The Debate Over Quotas on Highly-Skilled Legal Immigrants,” Frontlines,
November 12, 2006, p.1.
20 Reshma Kapadia, “Suarez-Orozco
Looks at the Economic Impact of U.S. Immigration: U.S. Immigration could
spell big business,” Reuters, January 21, 2005.
21 Meissner, Immigration
and America’s Future, p. 4.
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Economic Aspects of Authorized and Unauthorized Immigration (PDF File)
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